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  • Casual Articles - Accepting Quartet Terms Doesn't Have to Amount to Surrender

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    ost six decade long war, and accept all terms of the Road Map in lieu of their current rejection of 14 points, which includes negotiating the status of East Jerusalem. The potential for peace is great if Palestinians and Israelis are subjected to the same requirements and neither side is permitted to pick and choose as they please.

    Only when all parties are held to the same terms, which requires that the Quartet exercise consistency and fairness, which has been lacking, and the Ehud Olmert government drops their idea of imposing a unilateral solution, will the prospect of a mutually agreed-upon peace, rather than a tense cessation of hostilities through i

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    Since Hamas’ unprecedented election success in January 2006, the Quartet (U.S., E.U., Russia, and the U.N.) has issued three demands in exchange for global recognition and foreign aid, the latter, which pays a significant share of Palestinian state expenses. Their demands, recognizing Israel’s right to exist, renouncing violence, and adhering to all past negotiated agreements does not have to amount a surrender by Prime Minister Ismael Haniyah. Instead, making acceptance of each of the three demands contingent upon Israel’s reciprocal acceptance offers a unique opportunity to Palestinians and Israelis alike.

    First, the Hamas-led Palestinian government must recognize Israel’s right to exist, the basis for a two-state solution, which is the only viable prospect for a workable peace agreement. This would not be unprecedented since Abu Shanab (1950-2003), a moderate Hamas leader and one of the group’s founders openly supported this concept just prior to his assassination – “The practical solution is for us to have a state alongside Israel.”[1] However, to bolster their standing among Palestinians, Prime Minister Haniyah should make it clear that their acceptance is contingent upon Israel’s recognition of and respect for Palestinian sovereignty and accordingly the democratic choice made by Palestinians in electing Hamas to govern their day-to-day affairs.

    Second, Hamas must renounce violence contingent upon a reciprocal renunciation by Israel. In doing so, Prime Minister Haniyah should reiterate that Hamas has strictly maintained a 19-month ceasefire and insist that the Quartet hold Israel to the same terms. This is especially important since Israel has committed more than 3000 ceasefire violations since the inception of Hamas’ ceasefire, killing hundreds of Palestinians. Gaining a commitment from the Quartet would prove especially popular among Palestinians since Israel would have to cease all military activities including state-sponsored assassinations, halt their ongoing policy of seizing Palestinians for imprisonment, and abstain from future encroachments into Palestinian territory.

    Third, Hamas must accept and embrace all prior negotiated settlements contingent upon Israel making the same affirmation since these agreements hold the greatest promise and are incremental steps towards the establishment of a viable, independent Palestinian state. Palestinians could benefit immensely if the Quartet demands that Israel recognize the Oslo Accords that were unilaterally scrapped by the Binyamin Netanyahu government (1996-1999), recognize the 2002 Saudi Peace initiative as another basis for resolving the almost six decade long war, and accept all terms of the Road Map in lieu of their current rejection of 14 points, which includes negotiating the status of East Jerusalem. The potential for peace is great if Palestinians and Israelis are subjected to the same requirements and neither side is permitted to pick and choose as they please.

    Only when all parties are held to the same terms, which requires that the Quartet exercise consistency and fairness, which has been lacking, and the Ehud Olmert government drops their idea of imposing a unilateral solution, will the prospect of a mutually agreed-upon peace, rather than a tense cessation of hostilities through in

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    st recognize Israel’s right to exist, the basis for a two-state solution, which is the only viable prospect for a workable peace agreement. This would not be unprecedented since Abu Shanab (1950-2003), a moderate Hamas leader and one of the group’s founders openly supported this concept just prior to his assassination – “The practical solution is for us to have a state alongside Israel.”[1] However, to bolster their standing among Palestinians, Prime Minister Haniyah should make it clear that their acceptance is contingent upon Israel’s recognition of and respect for Palestinian sovereignty and accordingly the democratic choice made by Palestinians in electing Hamas to govern their day-to-day affairs.

    Second, Hamas must renounce violence contingent upon a reciprocal renunciation by Israel. In doing so, Prime Minister Haniyah should reiterate that Hamas has strictly maintained a 19-month ceasefire and insist that the Quartet hold Israel to the same terms. This is especially important since Israel has committed more than 3000 ceasefire violations since the inception of Hamas’ ceasefire, killing hundreds of Palestinians. Gaining a commitment from the Quartet would prove especially popular among Palestinians since Israel would have to cease all military activities including state-sponsored assassinations, halt their ongoing policy of seizing Palestinians for imprisonment, and abstain from future encroachments into Palestinian territory.

    Third, Hamas must accept and embrace all prior negotiated settlements contingent upon Israel making the same affirmation since these agreements hold the greatest promise and are incremental steps towards the establishment of a viable, independent Palestinian state. Palestinians could benefit immensely if the Quartet demands that Israel recognize the Oslo Accords that were unilaterally scrapped by the Binyamin Netanyahu government (1996-1999), recognize the 2002 Saudi Peace initiative as another basis for resolving the almost six decade long war, and accept all terms of the Road Map in lieu of their current rejection of 14 points, which includes negotiating the status of East Jerusalem. The potential for peace is great if Palestinians and Israelis are subjected to the same requirements and neither side is permitted to pick and choose as they please.

    Only when all parties are held to the same terms, which requires that the Quartet exercise consistency and fairness, which has been lacking, and the Ehud Olmert government drops their idea of imposing a unilateral solution, will the prospect of a mutually agreed-upon peace, rather than a tense cessation of hostilities through i

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    electing Hamas to govern their day-to-day affairs.

    Second, Hamas must renounce violence contingent upon a reciprocal renunciation by Israel. In doing so, Prime Minister Haniyah should reiterate that Hamas has strictly maintained a 19-month ceasefire and insist that the Quartet hold Israel to the same terms. This is especially important since Israel has committed more than 3000 ceasefire violations since the inception of Hamas’ ceasefire, killing hundreds of Palestinians. Gaining a commitment from the Quartet would prove especially popular among Palestinians since Israel would have to cease all military activities including state-sponsored assassinations, halt their ongoing policy of seizing Palestinians for imprisonment, and abstain from future encroachments into Palestinian territory.

    Third, Hamas must accept and embrace all prior negotiated settlements contingent upon Israel making the same affirmation since these agreements hold the greatest promise and are incremental steps towards the establishment of a viable, independent Palestinian state. Palestinians could benefit immensely if the Quartet demands that Israel recognize the Oslo Accords that were unilaterally scrapped by the Binyamin Netanyahu government (1996-1999), recognize the 2002 Saudi Peace initiative as another basis for resolving the almost six decade long war, and accept all terms of the Road Map in lieu of their current rejection of 14 points, which includes negotiating the status of East Jerusalem. The potential for peace is great if Palestinians and Israelis are subjected to the same requirements and neither side is permitted to pick and choose as they please.

    Only when all parties are held to the same terms, which requires that the Quartet exercise consistency and fairness, which has been lacking, and the Ehud Olmert government drops their idea of imposing a unilateral solution, will the prospect of a mutually agreed-upon peace, rather than a tense cessation of hostilities through i

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    , halt their ongoing policy of seizing Palestinians for imprisonment, and abstain from future encroachments into Palestinian territory.

    Third, Hamas must accept and embrace all prior negotiated settlements contingent upon Israel making the same affirmation since these agreements hold the greatest promise and are incremental steps towards the establishment of a viable, independent Palestinian state. Palestinians could benefit immensely if the Quartet demands that Israel recognize the Oslo Accords that were unilaterally scrapped by the Binyamin Netanyahu government (1996-1999), recognize the 2002 Saudi Peace initiative as another basis for resolving the almost six decade long war, and accept all terms of the Road Map in lieu of their current rejection of 14 points, which includes negotiating the status of East Jerusalem. The potential for peace is great if Palestinians and Israelis are subjected to the same requirements and neither side is permitted to pick and choose as they please.

    Only when all parties are held to the same terms, which requires that the Quartet exercise consistency and fairness, which has been lacking, and the Ehud Olmert government drops their idea of imposing a unilateral solution, will the prospect of a mutually agreed-upon peace, rather than a tense cessation of hostilities through i

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    ost six decade long war, and accept all terms of the Road Map in lieu of their current rejection of 14 points, which includes negotiating the status of East Jerusalem. The potential for peace is great if Palestinians and Israelis are subjected to the same requirements and neither side is permitted to pick and choose as they please.

    Only when all parties are held to the same terms, which requires that the Quartet exercise consistency and fairness, which has been lacking, and the Ehud Olmert government drops their idea of imposing a unilateral solution, will the prospect of a mutually agreed-upon peace, rather than a tense cessation of hostilities through intimidation and duress, be achievable. A lasting peace in which both Israel and Palestine can live with secure borders requires compromise and concessions from two sides. Hamas’ conditional acceptance of the Quartet’s demands, rather than amounting to a surrender, would serve as a good starting point, illustrating that there is a sincere, willing partner for peace in Palestine. It would also protect Palestinians and their sovereignty from future Israeli-initiated violence.

    As a sign that such an acceptance is possible, Prime Minister Haniyah stated early in his term, “We in Hamas are for peace and want to put an end to the bloodshed. Though we are the victims, we offer our hands in peace, but only peace that is based on justice."[2] Actually Christians, Jews, and Muslims, as descendents of Abraham, must find a way to live in peace and share the land in a two-state solution, which God had given in His covenant to Abraham, “Unto thy seed have I given this land.” [GEN 15:18]

    _________________________________________________________________

    [1] Killing moderation. Al-Ahram Weekly Online. Issue No. 653. 28 August 2003-3 September 2003. 28 May 2006. http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2003/653/re1.htm

    [2] Hanadie Yousef. The West cannot abandon Hamas, Palestinian people. the tartan online. 1 May 2006. 28 May 2006. http://www.thetartan.org/2006/5/1/forum/hamas

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